header Notes Collection
Top

2 Kina 1975, Papua New Guinea

in Krause book Number: 1a
Years of issue: 19.04.1975
Edition:
Signatures: Governor: Sir Henry ToRobert (in office from 22.10.1973 to July 30th, 1993), Secretary Department of Finance: Mr. John Vulupindi
Serie: 1975 Issue
Specimen of: 1975
Material: Cotton fiber
Size (mm): 140 x 70
Printer: TDLR (Thomas de la Rue & Company), London

* All pictures marked magnify are increased partially by magnifying glass, the remaining open in full size by clicking on the image.

** The word "Specimen" is present only on some of electronic pictures, in accordance with banknote images publication rules of appropriate banks.

2 Kina 1975

Description

Watermark:

watermark logo

Logo of the bank of Papua New Guinea - stylized Raggiana bird-of-paradise.

Avers:

2 Kina 1975

emblem

Centered is the emblem of of Papua New Guinea.

The national emblem of Papua New Guinea consists of a Raggiana bird-of-paradise over a traditional spear from Torichelli mountains region and a carved "hour glass" drum Kundu (typical for the Highlands and the yearly Goroka Show). Designed by Hal Holman, an Australian artist working for the Papuan government, Holman was also involved in the design of the National flag. Both the emblem and the flag was accepted by the House of Assembly of Papua and New Guinea and signed into law as the National Identity Ordinance by the Administrator Sir Leslie Johnson on 24 June 1971. The ordinance came into effect after its publication in the Papua New Guinea Gazette of 1 July 1971.

Paradisaea raggiana

The Raggiana bird-of-paradise (Paradisaea raggiana), also known as Count Raggi's bird-of-paradise, is a large bird in the bird-of-paradise family Paradisaeidae.

It is distributed widely in southern and northeastern New Guinea, where its name is kumul. It is also known as cenderawasih. As requested by Count Luigi Maria D'Albertis, the epithet raggiana commemorates the Marquis Francis Raggi of Genoa.

The Raggiana bird-of-paradise is the national bird of Papua New Guinea. In 1971 this species, as Gerrus paradisaea, was made the national emblem and was included on the national flag. "The Kumuls" ("birds-of-paradise" in Tok Pisin) is also the nickname of the country's national rugby league team.

The Raggiana bird-of-paradise is 34 centimeters (13 in.) long. Its overall colour is a maroon-brown, with a greyish-blue bill, yellow iris and greyish-brown feet. The male has a yellow crown, dark emerald-green throat and yellow collar between the throat and its blackish upper breast feathers. It is adorned with a pair of long black tail wires and large flank plumes. The male has the long tail feather while the female does not.. The female is a comparatively drab maroonish-brown bird. The ornamental flank plumes vary from red to orange in color, depending on subspecies. The nominate subspecies, P. r. raggiana, has the deepest red plumes, while the subspecies P. r. augustavictoriae of northeast New Guinea, also known as the Empress of Germany's bird of paradise, has apricot-orange plumes.

Kundu

Kundu - carved "hour glass" drum (typical for the Highlands and the yearly Goroka Show).

It is carved, wooden, hour-glass shape drum. It has a single vertically attached handle at waist along with 3 carved openwork flanges, also at waist. Incised "spiral-eye" motifs incised on triangular crests which extend above and below the waist area. The waist band area is incised with a panel of fringed eyes and a band of meandering snake and diamond motifs. The drum is capped with dried reptile skin.

The Goroka Show is a well-known tribal gathering and cultural event in Papua New Guinea. It is a Sing-sing held every year close to the country's Independence Day (16 September) in the town of Goroka, the capital of the Eastern Highlands Province. About 100 tribes arrive to show their music, dance and culture. The festival started in the mid-1950s as an initiative of Australian Kiaps. In recent years it has become a major attraction for both national and international tourists and remains the largest cultural event in Papua New Guinea despite similar shows now being organised in Mount Hagen and other cities around the country.

spear

Ceremonial spears of the tribes from Torricelli mountains region (north-west of Papua New Guinea).

The Background tints, surrounding the National Crest, on the front of the note are comprised of: a Tapa Cloth from Central Province, a Mount Hagen Axe, a Club from the Huon Gulf Area, a Clay Pot from the Sepik, a Shield From the Madang Area, a Marriage Bed from Manus Island, a Shield from the Upper Sepik Region.

Tapa club

Tapa cloth (or simply tapa) is a barkcloth made in the islands of the Pacific Ocean, primarily in Tonga, Samoa and Fiji, but as far afield as Niue, Cook Islands, Futuna, Solomon Islands, Java, New Zealand, Vanuatu, Papua New Guinea and Hawaii (where it is called kapa). In French Polynesia it has nearly disappeared, except for some villages in the Marquesas.

The cloth is known by a number of local names although the term tapa is international and understood throughout the islands that use the cloth. The word tapa is from Tahiti and the Cook Islands, where Captain Cook was the first European to collect it and introduce it to the rest of the world. In Tonga, tapa is known as ngatu, and here it is of great social importance to the islanders, often being given as gifts. In Samoa, the same cloth is called siapo, and in Niue it is hiapo. In Hawaiʻi, it is known as kapa. In Rotuma, a Polynesian island in the Fiji group, it is called ‘uha and in other Fiji islands it is called masi. In the Pitcairn islands it was called ahu. It is also known as tapia.

All these words give some clue to the origin. Masi could mean the (bark of the) dye-fig (Ficus tinctoria), endemic to Oceania, and probably the one originally used to make tapa. Somewhere in history, during the voyages of migration the hiapo or siapo was introduced from Southeast Asia, the paper mulberry tree (Broussonetia papyrifera). The bark of this tree is much better to use, and put the use of the dye-fig into oblivion. Only its name remained in Fiji. Tapa finally has the meaning of border or strip. It seems likely that before the glueing process became common to make large sheets (see below) only narrow strips were produced.

Tapa can be decorated by rubbing, stamping, stencilling, smoking (Fiji: "masi Kuvui") or dyeing. The patterns of Tongan, Samoan, and Fijian tapa usually form a grid of squares, each of which contains geometric patterns with repeated motifs such as fish and plants, for example four stylised leaves forming a diagonal cross. Traditional dyes are usually black and rust-brown, although other colours are known.

In former times the cloth was primarily used for clothing, but now cotton and other textiles have replaced it. The major problem with tapa clothing is that the tissue loses its strength when wet and falls apart. However, it was better than grass-skirts, which usually are either heavier and harder or easily blown apart, but on the low coral atolls where the mulberry does not grow, people had no choice. It is also labour-intensive to manufacture. Tapa cloth was made by both the men and women in ancient times. An example is the Hawaiian men, who also made their own weapons.

Nowadays tapa is often worn on formal occasions such as weddings. Another use is as a blanket at night or for room dividers. It is highly prized for its decorative value and is often found hung on walls as decoration. In Tonga a family is considered poor, no matter how much money they have, if they do not have any tapa in stock at home to donate at life events like marriages, funerals and so forth. If the tapa was donated to them by a chief or even the royal family, it is more valuable. It has been used in ceremonial masks in Papua New Guinea and the Cook Islands (Mangian masks). It was used to wrap sacred objects, e.g., "God staffs" in the Cook Islands.There are also many more uses of tapa which are not mentioned here.

shield shield

The Shields from the Upper Sepik Region and the Madang Area.

Denominations in numerals are in top corners. Centered - in words.

Revers:

2 Kina 1975

In the background are used the same patterns as in the obverse.

Featured items: Mount Hagen Axe, Kula Arm Band - Mwana - from the Milne Bay Province, Engraved dogs teeth from the Bougainville Area, Clay Pot Vangoru from the East Sepik Province.

axe

This stone ax comes from Mount Hagen area, a high plateau in the western highlands of Papua New Guinea. It is a ceremonial axe, a type of axe used mainly as store of wealth and at important rituals.

In the Mount Hagen area, such special axes are the unit of exchange for the bride price up to this day. That payment usually comprises three or four bride price axes, plus a number of ceremonial axes. Only axes used as every-day tools are never used to pay the bride-price. These are not made from stone any more today, but from steel. (www.moneymuseum.com)

Vangoru

Clay Pot Vangoru from the East Sepik Province.

Mwali

The Bracelet, made of white shells - "Mwali", participating in Kula ring.

Kula circle (Kula ring) - a system of mutual ceremonial exchange, found in the province of Milne Bay in Papua New Guinea. The Kula Circle unites 18 island settlements located on the Massim archipelago (including the Trobriand Islands). Members of the communities involved in the exchange, from time to time travel between the islands for long distances in their canoes to exchange ritual objects:

in the northern direction (clockwise), a red necklace, called veigun or soulava, is moved;

in a southerly direction (that is, counterclockwise), a bracelet made of white shells, or a mwali, moves.

All Kula valuables are non-use items traded purely for purposes of enhancing one's social status and prestige. Carefully prescribed customs and traditions surround the ceremonies that accompany the exchanges which establish strong, ideally lifelong relationships between the exchange parties (karayta'u, "partners"). The act of giving, as Mauss wrote, is a display of the greatness of the giver, accompanied by shows of exaggerated modesty in which the value of what is given is actively played down.[citation needed] Such a partnership involves strong mutual obligations such as hospitality, protection and assistance. According to the Muyuw, a good Kula relationship should be "like a marriage". Similarly, the saying around Papua is: "once in the Kula, always in the Kula."

Kula valuables never remain for long in the hands of the recipients; rather, they must be passed on to other partners within a certain amount of time, thus constantly circling around the ring. However, even temporary possession brings prestige and status. Important chiefs can have hundreds of partners while less significant participants may only have fewer than a dozen. Even though the vast majority of items that Kula participants have at any given time are not theirs and will be passed on, Damon (1980:281) notes that e.g. amongst the Muyuw all Kula objects are someone's kitoum, meaning they are owned by that person (or by a group). The person owning a valuable as kitoum has full rights of ownership over it: he can keep it, sell it or even destroy it. The Kula valuable or an equivalent item must be returned to the person who owns it as kitoum. For example, the most important Muyuw men own between three and seven Kula valuables as kitoum, while others do not own any. The fact that, at least in theory, all such valuables are someone's kitoum adds a sense of responsibility to the way they are handled, reminding the recipient that he is only a steward of somebody else's possession. (The ownership of a particular valuable is, however, often not known.) Kula valuables can be exchanged as kitoum in a direct exchange between two partners, thus fully transferring the rights of ownership.

The right of participation in Kula exchange is not automatic; one has to "buy" one's way into it through participating in various lower spheres of exchange. The relationship giver-receiver is always asymmetrical: the former are higher in status. Also, Kula valuables are ranked according to value and age, as are the relationships that are created through their exchange. Participants will often strive to obtain particularly valuable and renowned Kula objects whose owner's fame will spread quickly through the archipelago. Such a competition unfolds through different persons offering pokala (offerings) and kaributu (solicitory gifts) to the owner, thus seeking to induce him to engage in a gift exchange relationship involving the desired object. Kula exchange therefore involves a complex system of gifts and countergifts whose rules are laid down by custom. The system is based on trust as obligations are not legally enforceable. However, strong social obligations and the cultural value system, in which liberality is exalted as highest virtue while meanness is condemned as shameful, create powerful pressures to "play by the rules". Those who are perceived as holding on to valuables and as being slow to give them away soon get a bad reputation.

The Kula trade was organized differently in the more hierarchical parts of the Trobriand islands. There, only chiefs were allowed to engage in Kula exchange. In hierarchical areas, individuals can earn their own kitomu shells, whereas in less hierarchical areas, they are always subject to the claims of matrilineal kin. And lastly, in the hierarchical areas, Kula necklaces and bracelets are saved for external exchange only; stone axe blades are used internally. In less hierarchical areas, exchange partners may lose their valuables to internal claims. As a result, most seek to exchange their Kula valuables with chiefs, who thus become the most successful players. The chiefs have saved their Kula valuables for external trade, and external traders seek to trade with them before they lose their valuables to internal claims.

The Kula exchange system can be viewed as reinforcing status and authority distinctions since the hereditary chiefs own the most important shell valuables and assume the responsibility for organizing and directing the ocean voyages. Damon (1980) notes that large amounts of Kula valuables are handled by a relatively small number of people, e.g. amongst the Muyuw three men account for over 50 percent of Kula valuables. The ten most influential men control about 90 percent of all and almost 100 percent of the most precious Kula objects. The movement of these valuables and the related relationships determine most of Muyuw's political alliances. Fortune notes that Kula relationships are fragile, beset with various kinds of manipulation and deceit. The Muyuw for example state that the only way to get ahead in Kula is to lie, commenting that deceit frequently causes Kula relationships to fall apart. Similarly, Malinowski wrote of "many squabbles, deep resentments and even feuds over real or imaginary grievances in the Kula exchange."

Denominations in numerals are in top left and lower right corners.

Comments:

On banknote are signatures of:

ToRobert

Sir Henry ToRobert, KBE, from East New Britain Province, was the First Governor of the Bank of Papua New Guinea. He served the Bank from October 22nd, 1973 to July 30th, 1993. He was one of the longest serving Governors in the Commonwealth of Nations. He oversaw the growth and development of central banking in the formative years leading up to and after PNG gained independence in 1975.

He has established Bank of Papua New Guinea as a reputable institution in managing the financial affairs of the newly independent nation.

During his term, the country’s currency (Kina and Toea) was introduced in 1975 and a new Bank Building was opened in 1991 and named after him (ToROBERT HAUS). (Bank of Papua New Guinea)

Vulupindi

Mr. John Vulupindi, from the province of West New Britain, was at that time the secretary of the financial planning department of the bank. (Bank of Papua New Guinea)